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提问人:网友wangkf1973 发布时间:2022-01-07
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Historians of women’s labor in the United States at firstlargely disregarded the story of

Historians of women’s labor in the United States at first

largely disregarded the story of female service workers

-women earning wages in occupations such as salesclerk.

domestic servant, and office secretary. These historians

(5) focused instead on factory work, primarily because it

seemed so different from traditional, unpaid “women’s

work” in the home, and because the underlying economic

forces of industrialism were presumed to be gender-blind

and hence emancipatory in effect. Unfortunately, emanci-

(10) pation has been less profound than expected, for not even

industrial wage labor has escaped continued sex segre-

gation in the workplace.

To explain this unfinished revolution in the status of

women, historians have recently begun to emphasize the

(15) way a prevailing definition of femininity often etermines

the kinds of work allocated to women, even when such

allocation is inappropriate to new conditions. For instance,

early textile-mill entrepreneurs, in justifying women’s

employment in wage labor, made much of the assumption

(20) that women were by nature skillful at detailed tasks and

patient in carrying out repetitive chores; the mill owners

thus imported into the new industrial order hoary stereo-

types associated with the homemaking activities they

presumed to have been the purview of women. Because

(25)women accepted the more unattractive new industrial tasks

more readily than did men, such jobs came to be regarded

as female jobs.And employers, who assumed that women’s

“real” aspirations were for marriage and family life.

declined to pay women wages commensurate with those of

(30) men. Thus many lower-skilled, lower-paid, less secure jobs

came to be perceived as “female.”

More remarkable than the origin has been the persistence

of such sex segregation in twentieth-century industry. Once

an occupation came to be perceived as “female.” employers

(35) showed surprisingly little interest in changing that percep-

-tion, even when higher profits beckoned. And despite the

urgent need of the United States during the Second World War

to mobilize its human resources fully, job segregation by sex

characterized even the most important

(40) war industries. Moreover, once the war ended, employers

quickly returned to men most of the “male” jobs that

women had been permitted to master.

According to the passage, job segregation by sex in the United States was______

A.greatly diminlated by labor mobilization during the Second World War

B.perpetuated by those textile-mill owners who argued in favor of women’s employment in wage labor

C.one means by which women achieved greater job security

D.reluctantly challenged by employers except when the economic advantages were obvious

E.a constant source of labor unrest in the young textile industry

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更多“Historians of women’s labor in the United States at firstlargely disregarded the story of”相关的问题
第1题
Historians of women’s labor focused on factory work as a mote promising area of r
esearch than service-sector work because factory work______.

A.involved the payment of higher wages

B.required skill in:detailed tasks

C.was assumed to be less characterized by sex segregation

D.was more readily accepted by women than by men

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第2题
Which of the following is presented in the passages as evidence supporting the author's vi
ew of the ancient Greeks' descriptions of the Amazons?

A.The requirement that Sauromatae women kill in battle before marrying.

B.The failure of historians to verify that women were ever governors of ancient societies.

C.The classing of Amazons as giants and centaurs.

D.The well-established unreliability of Herodotus as a source of information about ancient societies.

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第3题
According to the passage, historians of women’s labor focused on factory work as a more pr
omising area of research than service-sector work because factory work______

A.involved the payment of higher wages

B.required skill in detailed tasks

C.was assumed to be less characterized by sex segregation

D.was more readily accepted by women than by men

E.fitted the economic dynamic of industrialism better

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第4题
It can be inferred from the passage that Leonard would agree with which of the following s
tatements regarding the status of women during the Civil War? Ⅰ. Antebellum values were expanded, not replaced, in order to develop new definitions of womanhood. Ⅱ. Historians have paid insufficient attention to demands for higher status women made during the war. Ⅲ. On the whole, the war was detrimental to the perception of women.

A.Ⅰ only

B.Ⅱ only

C.Ⅰ and Ⅱ only

D.Ⅰ and Ⅲ only

E.Ⅰ, Ⅱ, and Ⅲ

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第5题
It can be inferred from the passage that the author most probably believes which of the fo
llowing to be true concerning those historians who study the history of women?

A.Their work provides insights important to those examining social phenomena affecting the lives of both sexes.

B.Their work can only be used cautiously by scholars in other disciplines.

C.Because they concentrate only on the role of women in the work-place they draw more reliable conclusions than the other historians.

D.Their work has not had an impact on most historians' current assumptions concerning the revolutionary effect of technology in the work-place.

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第6题
Which of the following can be inferred from the passage about the myths recorded by the an
cient Greeks?

A.They may have included portrayals of women holding positions of power.

B.They may have contained elaborate explanations of inheritance customs.

C.They comprise almost all of the material available to historians about ancient Greece.

D.They may have contained explanations of inheritance customs and comprised all of the material available to historians about ancient Greece,

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第7题
Historians of women’s labor in the United States at firstlargely disregarded the story of

Historians of women’s labor in the United States at first

largely disregarded the story of female service workers

-women earning wages in occupations such as salesclerk.

domestic servant, and office secretary. These historians

(5) focused instead on factory work, primarily because it

seemed so different from traditional, unpaid “women’s

work” in the home, and because the underlying economic

forces of industrialism were presumed to be gender-blind

and hence emancipatory in effect. Unfortunately, emanci-

(10) pation has been less profound than expected, for not even

industrial wage labor has escaped continued sex segre-

gation in the workplace.

To explain this unfinished revolution in the status of

women, historians have recently begun to emphasize the

(15) way a prevailing definition of femininity often etermines

the kinds of work allocated to women, even when such

allocation is inappropriate to new conditions. For instance,

early textile-mill entrepreneurs, in justifying women’s

employment in wage labor, made much of the assumption

(20) that women were by nature skillful at detailed tasks and

patient in carrying out repetitive chores; the mill owners

thus imported into the new industrial order hoary stereo-

types associated with the homemaking activities they

presumed to have been the purview of women. Because

(25)women accepted the more unattractive new industrial tasks

more readily than did men, such jobs came to be regarded

as female jobs.And employers, who assumed that women’s

“real” aspirations were for marriage and family life.

declined to pay women wages commensurate with those of

(30) men. Thus many lower-skilled, lower-paid, less secure jobs

came to be perceived as “female.”

More remarkable than the origin has been the persistence

of such sex segregation in twentieth-century industry. Once

an occupation came to be perceived as “female.” employers

(35) showed surprisingly little interest in changing that percep-

-tion, even when higher profits beckoned. And despite the

urgent need of the United States during the Second World War

to mobilize its human resources fully, job segregation by sex

characterized even the most important

(40) war industries. Moreover, once the war ended, employers

quickly returned to men most of the “male” jobs that

women had been permitted to master.

According to the passage, job segregation by sex in the United States was______

A.greatly diminlated by labor mobilization during the Second World War

B.perpetuated by those textile-mill owners who argued in favor of women’s employment in wage labor

C.one means by which women achieved greater job security

D.reluctantly challenged by employers except when the economic advantages were obvious

E.a constant source of labor unrest in the young textile industry

点击查看答案
第8题
It can be inferred from the passage that early historians of women’s labor in the
United States paid little attention to women’s employment in the service sector of the economy because________.

A.fewer women found employment in the service sector than in factory work

B.the wages paid to workers in the service sector were much lower than those paid in the industrial sector

C.women’s employment in the service sector tended to be much more short—term than in factory work

D.employment in the service sector seemed to have much in common with the unpaid work associated with homemaking

点击查看答案
第9题
It can be inferred from the passage that early historians of women’s labor in the United S
tates paid little attention to women’s employment in the service sector of the economy because______

A.the extreme variety of these occupations made it very difficult to assemble meaningful statistics about them

B.fewer women found employment in the service sector than in factory work

C.the wages paid to workers in the service sector were much lower than those paid in the industrial sector

D.women’s employment in the service sector tended to be much more short-term than in factory work

E.employment in the service sector seemed to have much in common with the unpaid work associated with homemaking

点击查看答案
第10题
The new school of political history that emerged in the 1960’s and 1970’s sought to go bey
ond the traditional focus of political historians on leaders and government institutions by examining directly the political practices of ordinary citizens. Like the old approach, however, this new approach excluded women. The very techniques these historians used to uncover mass political behavior. in the nineteenth-century United State – quantitative analyses of election returns, for example – were useless in analyzing the political activities of women, who were denied the vote until 1920.

By redefining “political activity,” historian Paula Baker has developed a political history that includes women. She concludes that among ordinary citizens, political activism by women in the nineteenth century prefigured trends in twentieth-century politics. Defining “politics” as “any action taken to affect the course of behavior. of government or of the community,” Baker concludes that, while voting and holding office were restricted to men, women in the nineteenth century organized themselves into societies committed to social issues such as temperance and poverty. In other words, Baker contends, women activists were early practitioners of nonpartisan, issue-oriented politics and thus were more interested in enlisting lawmakers, regardless of their party affiliation, on behalf of certain issues than in ensuring that one party or another won an election. In the twentieth century, more men drew closer to women’s ideas about politics and took up modes of issue-oriented politics that Baker sees women as having pioneered.

The primary purpose of the passage is to______

A.enumerate reason why both traditional scholarly methods and newer scholarly methods have limitations

B.identify a shortcoming in a scholarly approach and describe an alternative approach

C.provide empirical data to support a long-held scholarly assumption

D.compare two sholarly publications on the basis of their authors’ backgrounds

E.attempt to provide a partial answer to a lon-standing scholarly dilemma

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第11题
Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged t
he emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement — utopian socialism — which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated in the first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls, New York, in 180o8. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United States requires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.

The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution to early socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern of Saint- Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy. Hence, by ignoring its feminism, European historians have misunderstood Saint- Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideas can be traced to Saint- Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in France and the United States remained limited.

Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation of his project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. The new world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia.

Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life.

What did historians studying American feminist movements manage to do?

A.Study influential economic and social conditions.

B.Identify the origin of feminist movements.

C.Fully analyze the development of feminist ideas.

D.Realize the international origins of the 19th century American feminist thought.

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