The United Kingdom is aA.colony.B.unitary.C.republic.D.feudal country.
The United Kingdom is a
A.colony.
B.unitary.
C.republic.
D.feudal country.
The United Kingdom is a
A.colony.
B.unitary.
C.republic.
D.feudal country.
A、they are many abandoned mining towns
B、where there are many abandoned mining towns
C、are many abandoned mining towns
D、many abandoned mining towns are
A.对比其他国家而言,美国没有国家考试。
B.与其他国家相比,美国没有大学入学考试。
C.相比较其他国家,美国大学没有考试。
Nowadays a superficial traveler in rural England might conclude that the only village tradesmen still flourishing were either selling frozen food to the inhabitants or selling antiques to visitors. Nevertheless, this would really be a false impression. Admittedly there has been a contraction of village commerce, but its vigor is still remarkable.
Our local grocer’s shop, for example, is actually expanding in spite of the competition from supermarkets in the nearest town. Women sensibly prefer to go there and exchange the local news while doing their shopping, instead of queueing up anonymously at a supermarket. And the proprietor knows well that personal service has a substantial cash value.
His prices may be a bit higher than those in the town, but he will deliver anything at any time. His assistants think nothing of bicycling down the village street in their lunch, hour to take a piece of cheese to an old-age pensioner who sent her order by word of mouth with a friend who happened to be passing. The more affluent customers telephone their shopping lists and the goods are on their doorsteps within an hour. They have only to hint at a fancy for some commodity outside the usual stock and the grocer a red-faced figure, instantly obtains it for them.
The village gains from this sort of enterprise, of course. But I also find it satisfactory because a village shop offers one of the few ways in which a modest individualist can still get along in the world without attaching himself to the big battalions of industry or commerce.
Most of the village shopkeepers I know, at any rate, are decidedly individualist in their ways. For exampie, our shoemaker is a formidable figure: a thick-set, irritable man whom children treat with marked respect, knowing that an ill-judged word can provoke an angry eruption at any time. He stares with contempt at the pairs of cheap, mass-produced shoes taken to him for repair: has it come to this, he seems to be saying, that he, a craftsman, should have to waste his skills upon such trash? But we all know he will in fact do excellent work upon them. And he makes beautiful shoes for those who can afford such luxury.
The services available in villages nowadays are
A.fewer but still very active.
B.less successful than earlier but managing to survive.
C.active in providing food and antiques.
D.surprisingly energetic considering the little demand for them.
But there is a difference. In the original omiai, the young Japanese couldn't reject the partner chosen by his parents and their middlernan. After World War II, many Japanese abandoned the arranged marriage as part of their rush to adopt the more democratic ways of their American conquerors. The Western ren'ai kekkon , or love marriage, became popular; Japanese began picking their own mates by dating and falling in love.
But the Western way was often found wanting in an important respect: it didn't necessarily produce a partner of the right economic, social, and educational qualifications. "Today's young people are quite calculating," says Chieko Akiyama, a social commentator.
What seems to be happening now is a repetition of a familiar process in the country's history, the "Japanization" of an adopted foreign practice. The Western ideal of marrying for love is accommodated in a new orniai in which both parties are free to reject the match. "Omiai is evolving into a sort of stylized introduction," Mrs. Akiyama says.
Many young Japanese now date in their early twenties, but with no thought of marriage. When they reach the age—in the middle twenties for women, the late twenties for men—they increasingly turn to omiai. Some studies suggest that as many as 40% of marriages each year are omiai kekkon. It's hard to be sure, say those who study the matter, because many Japanese couples, when polled, describe their marriage as a love match even if it was arranged.
These days, doing omiai often means going to a computer matching service rather than to a nakodo. The nakodo of tradition was an old woman who knew all the kids in the neighborhood and went around trying to pair them off by speaking to their parents; a successful match would bring her a wedding invitation and a gift of money. But Japanese today find it's less awkward to reject a proposed partner if the nakodo is a computer.
Japan has about five hundred computer matching services. Some big companies, including Mitsubishi, run one for their employees. At a typical commercial service, an applicant pays $80 to $ 125 to have his or her personal data stored in the computer for two years and $ 200 or so more if a marriage results. The stored information includes some obvious items, like education and hobbies, and some not-so-obvious ones, like whether a person is the oldest child. (First sons, and to some extent first daughthers, face an obligation of caring for elderly parents. )
According to the passage, today's young Japanese prefer______.
A.a traditional arranged marriage
B.a new type of arranged marriage
C.a Western love marriage
D.a more Westernized love marriage
(2)Estimate the IRR of the project. And on financial grounds, whether the company should accept the project.
A.Host countries cooperate with sending countries.
B.Economies depend more on one another.
C.Immigrants embrace the language and values of host countries.
D.The E. U. members share a common interest in migration.
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